When I was small, movies were black and white. That is to say, serious movies, movies that
purported to be realistic and to address adult themes, were black and
white. Comedy, romance, fantasy, and
especially musicals, might be in Technicolor, but not thoughtful movies, movies
that aspired to be art. In fact, color
images were considered to be, and actually felt,
unrealistic compared the black and white images, more like dreams than like
recordings of actual events. Serious,
adult stories about war, for example, or about heroic accomplishments appeared
in black and white.
Perhaps the generation that had fought World War Two did see
the real world as a place divided clearly into black and white; perhaps for
them to see things realistically was to see them as black and white. I remember that people who wanted to affirm
the veracity of a statement pointed to an authority such as a newspaper or a
book and said, “It’s all right there in black and white!” And, of course, there was that other way in
which the world really was sharply divided into black and white.
By the time I was born, in 1953, the world was beginning to
change or was at least preparing psychologically for change. For example, one still heard the phrase “the
white man’s burden”, but its use was always ironic. One recognized its imperial arrogance but continued
to use it as short-hand for a colonial ideology, for the belief that European
conquerors were spreading progress and enlightenment to a backward, primitive
world. (Compare to G.W. Bush spreading
democracy through the Middle East by invading Iraq. See also my description of the Spaniards
moving into the neighborhood where I now live.)
As I approached puberty, David Lean made an epic film in
Technicolor: “Lawrence of Arabia.” It is interesting to note that while the film
dealt with serious geo-political themes, it was also highly romanticized, much
of it either inaccurate or wholly fictional.
Even so, if the portrait of T.E. Lawrence was not objectively accurate,
it was probably very close to the way in which Lawrence saw himself: as the man who, in the years between World War
One and World War Two, showed the Arab tribes that they could become fully
modern, independent nations.
The British Empire’s victory in the Sinai and Palestine
Campaign of World War One ended with the partitioning of the Ottoman
Empire: France got Lebanon and Syria,
and Britain got Mesopotamia and Palestine. (The British already had India to the east of
Mesopotamia, and they had Egypt, including the Sinai, to the west of Palestine.) In the decade following the war, European
colonial rule ended. The departing
powers created of the Kingdom of Iraq in 1932, Lebanon in 1943, Syria in ’46,
Israel in ‘48, and Jordan in ’49. These
countries were all carved out of parts of a sprawling region called since Roman
times “the Levant”, which comes from the Latin word that means “the rising”,
i.e., the east, where the sun rises. The
Levant was roughly equivalent to the area we call the Middle East.
I suspect that most Americans, if they think of it at all,
think that Iraq and Syria are the modern names for ancient kingdoms, perhaps
Babylon and Mesopotamia, and that Iran is just the modern name for Persia. I suspect that they think the same of
Lebanon, Jordan, and Israel. And I
suspect that the tribal affiliations that cross all of these national borders,
Sunni and Shia and Kurd, just confuse the hell out of them.
Americans know little about the Middle East because we are
not – or were not when I went to school – taught the history of World War One
in any detail. What we are taught is an
entirely self-absorbed view of events.
We learn that the Constitution forbids “foreign entanglements” and that
therefore the country paid no attention to European and global affairs before
World War One. We know only that we
entered the war in its final year and having won it for the tired old
Europeans, we came home. As for the
origins and results of that war, we know only the puzzling fact that the
assassination of some Grand Duke in a little town in Serbia started it all and
that it did not really end but just took a break for twenty years until World
War Two, which we know a little more about, namely that the United States then
had to go in full force and end all that European bickering for good.
It seems that instead of knowing the history of the two
World Wars, their causes and their results, we know the history of how
Americans viewed events and how they felt about them at the time. While this history of the mind of the nation
may tell you why certain politicians were elected, it tells you nothing about
the government’s actual policies and the real reasons for its actions. It is as if what the general public does,
i.e., vote, is what matters. Thus the
educational system has kept American’s eyes on themselves and diverted their
attention from what they think is their
government.
*
The nattering nabobs on both the left and the right have
been saying that we ought to have a national debate about entering our latest
war, the one against the “Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant”. But how can we when we have no idea what our
enemy remembers and is trying to undo? The other day I heard Terry Gross ask
her interviewee on “Fresh Air” why the Administration keeps referring to our
new enemy as “ISIL” when the rest of the world calls it “ISIS” or “Islamic
State.” He, Dexter Filkins, who writes
for the New Yorker, said that he had no idea.
I have long thought that every newly elected President,
immediately upon leaving the inauguration ceremony, is led into a small room in
some government building, told to take a seat, and then told what is really
going on, what the United States really is and really does, and what that new
President will and will not do. “All
that stuff you said during the campaign was fine,” the instructor says, “and it
sounded just fine, but forget it: this
is the way things really are.” How else
to explain the changes which take place immediately in the President’s apparent
principles and plans? How else, in
Obama’s case, to explain the continued existence of the Guantanamo Bay prison?
Or the continuation of the Bush policies of domestic surveillance and
unconstitutional renderings, and murder by drone or by Special Forces units?
So in my novel, a piece of speculative fiction, of fantasy
really, in which (get this!) a black man is actually elected President of the
United States, he insists on having everyone in his Administration refer to the
enemy group as “ISIL” because he wants that word, “Levant”, before the people’s
eyes. That word is the only way he has
to signal from behind the mask that Power has affixed to his skull, covering
his face, that this enemy is the avatar of ancient peoples native to that land
and is ranged against us not because of anything we the people consciously did
but because we are the heirs to the colonial European powers, just as we were
heirs to the French in Viet Nam (formerly French Indochina) and to the Spanish
in Central America. Our corporations have
taken over trade with these lands from entities like the British Levant
Company, formed in 1581 to trade with the Ottoman Empire and it is against
their actions, supported by our military and by the regimes we prop up in these
countries, that the insurgents fight.
*
We have no idea what has been done and is being done to
people all over the world in our name.
We benefit from the appropriation of their natural resources and even
their labor for which we pay a mere pittance.
We are kept ignorant of the day to day oppression that people suffer at
the hands of the institutions that nurture our consumption of resources and
manufactures all over the world. Our
ignorance convinces us that we are innocent and that the violence directed at
us is unreasonable, sheer madness and barbarism. We fear what we do not understand and that
fear makes us lash out in further aggression which we consider “defense of
Americans and American interests.” Next
time you hear that phrase demand to know what those “interests” are and what
they are and have been doing abroad for decades.
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